Tuesday, November 26, 2019

Shark Conservation essays

Shark Conservation essays The people's battle against the terrors of the sea And the sharks' fight to survive Shark populations have been hit hard lately. It remains to be seen whether tough new conservation measures will help them recover. - Conniff - In October 1992, a surfer named Rick Gruzinsky was attacked while surfing in Oahu. Only suffered minor scratches. Two weeks later, a shark killed an 18 year old body border off the beaches of Oahu. He bled to death on the beach. Earlier in 1992, also off Oahu, a surfer disappeared leaving behind only a surf board with a huge bite mark. A few months before that, a tiger shark killed a woman by tearing off her limbs while snorkeling, off Maui. An Angry Posse Goes After The Killers - The Fight Against Or For Sharks The public's reaction to these attacks was in part predictable. Parents kept their children out of the water, and the legislature debated "tiger shark eradication," and the tourist industry was scared out of their minds. The state of Hawaii sent out a posse to dispatch any large sharks it could find in areas where the attacks were recorded. The outcry on behalf of the sharks was at least as loud as the clamor against them. The rate of attack was determined not by how many sharks you took out of the ocean, but how many people you put in it. Around 8 million people use the beaches of Hawaii each year, and only a minuscule 2.4 attacks are averaged. The annual toll of 30 or 40 deaths are by drowning. Public also took a stand on behalf of the sharks Under pressure , the state ultimately diverted much of its control money to conduct research. Mixed feelings began surfacing everywhere people live with sharks. Widespread concern that shark populations have plummeted worldwide. South Africa, for example, declared the great white shark a protected species and imposed a ban on fishing for the creatures Australia has ban...

Friday, November 22, 2019

Weapons Used by Pirates

Weapons Used by Pirates Pirates of the Golden Age of Piracy, which lasted roughly from 1700-1725, employed a variety of weapons to carry out their high-seas thievery. These weapons were not unique to pirates but were also common on merchant and naval vessels at the time. Most pirates preferred not to fight, but when a fight was called for, the pirates were ready! Here are some of their favorite weapons. Cannons The most dangerous pirate ships were those with several mounted cannons - ideally, at least ten. Large pirate ships, such as Blackbeards Queen Annes Revenge or Bartholomew Roberts Royal Fortune had as many as 40 cannons on board, making them a match for any Royal Navy warship of the time. Cannons were very useful but somewhat tricky to use and required the attention of a master gunner. They could be loaded with large cannonballs to damage hulls, grapeshot or canister shot to clear decks of enemy sailors or soldiers, or chain shot (two small cannonballs chained together) to damage enemy masts and rigging. In a pinch, just about anything could be (and was) loaded into a cannon and fired: nails, bits of glass, rocks, scrap metal, etc. Hand Weapons Pirates tended to favor lightweight, quick weapons which could be used in close quarters after boarding. Belaying pins are small bats used to help secure ropes, but they also make fine clubs. Boarding axes were used to cut ropes and wreak havoc in rigging: they also made for lethal hand-to-hand weapons. Marlinspikes were spikes made of hardened wood or metal and were about the size of a railroad spike. They had a variety of uses onboard a ship but also made handy daggers or even clubs in a pinch. Most pirates also carried sturdy knives and daggers. The hand-held weapon most commonly associated with pirates is the saber: a short, stout sword, often with a curved blade. Sabers made for excellent hand weapons and also had their uses on board when not in battle. Firearms Firearms such as rifles and pistols were popular among pirates, but of limited use as loading them took time. Matchlock and Flintlock rifles were used during sea battles, but not as often in close quarters. Pistols were much more popular: Blackbeard himself wore several pistols in a sash, which helped him intimidate his foes. The firearms of the era were not accurate at any distance but packed a wallop at close range. Other Weapons Grenadoes were essentially pirate hand-grenades. Also called powder flasks, they were hollow balls of glass or metal which were filled with gunpowder and then fitted with a fuse. Pirates lit the fuse and threw the grenade at their enemies, often with devastating effect. Stinkpots were, as the name suggests, pots or bottles filled with some stinking substance: these were thrown onto the decks of enemy ships in the hope that the fumes would incapacitate the enemies, causing them to vomit and retch. Reputation Perhaps a pirates greatest weapon was his reputation. If the sailors on a merchant ship saw a pirate flag that they could identify as, say, Bartholomew Roberts, they would often immediately surrender instead of putting up a fight (whereas they might run from or fight a lesser pirate). Some pirates actively cultivated their image. Blackbeard was the most famous example: he dressed the part, with a fearsome jacket and boots, pistols and swords about his body, and smoking wicks in his long black hair and beard that made him look like a demon: many sailors believed he was, in fact, a fiend from Hell! Most pirates preferred not to fight: fighting meant lost crew members, damaged ships and perhaps even a sunken prize. Often, if a victim ship put up a fight, pirates would be harsh to the survivors, but if it surrendered peacefully, they would not harm the crew (and could even be quite friendly). This was the reputation that most pirates wanted. They wanted their victims to know that if they handed over the loot, they would be spared. Sources Cordingly, David. New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks, 1996 Defoe, Daniel (Captain Charles Johnson). A General History of the Pyrates. Edited by Manuel Schonhorn. Mineola: Dover Publications, 1972/1999. Konstam, Angus. The World Atlas of Pirates. Guilford: The Lyons Press, 2009 Konstam, Angus. The Pirate Ship 1660-1730. New York: Osprey, 2003. Rediker, Marcus. Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Golden Age. Boston: Beacon Press, 2004. Woodard, Colin. The Republic of Pirates: Being the True and Surprising Story of the Caribbean Pirates and the Man Who Brought Them Down. Mariner Books, 2008.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 232

Assignment Example At the same time, they wanted a departmental reward whereby their departments would be praised for the attainment of the overall aim that the hotel wanted to achieve. The managers initially thought that there was going to be a solution to the problem they were facing my making the employees wear their nametags. In the assumption of the managers, the nametags would make the employees look sharp and professional. As the hotel wanted to raise its status, such a universal practice would help them attain the coveted status. They also thought that the nametags would help them identify employees whose efforts were not helping the company so these could be punished. As the ultimate goal of the managers was to engage in a departmental blame game, the motivation of the employees not to wear the nametags came from the fact that the wanted to be scapegoats. As much as the managers were finding ways to blame the employee, the employees were also finding ways to stop this from happening. The employees were also worried that there was not telepathy between the employees and the managers that would make it possible for them to get assistance from the managers. To find the real problem, a number of Power of Pause practices were used. In the first place, there was an opportunity given to the staff to explain their point. This was a very important practice to avoid the assumptions being used to determine what the problem was. What is more, there was a very healthy interaction that was free from blames and excessive complains. Even where the points of the staff were not clear, they were given the opportunity to express themselves well. The employees were willing to talk about their fears because they thought that expressing their opinions would help solve the problem. What is more, the employees were scared that the propaganda agenda in place could actually have an impact on them and thus

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

Watch the video first Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Watch the video first - Essay Example The Vans Triple Crown of Surfing sweepstakes is another activity that the company uses to help create awareness among the youth consumers. The sweepstakes is also merged with a Van Rockstar energy drink build its recognition by using the sweepstake. A person who wins the sweepstake is given $500 Van gift cards and annual supply of the Rockstar Energy Drink. Only one individual wins the sweepstake but other participants in the process learn about the Van brands (Calvin, 2011). Van also has a surfing event known as Van Triple Crown that is generally a surfing competition. This competition is organized for fans who like watching and participating in surfing. The grand prize for the surfing competition is $820,000 and starts from November 12th to December 20th (Calvin, 2011). The competition presents surfers with Van shirts, sneakers, flip flops among other products, which the consumers may be interested in. Van strategies work so well because they target consumers on not only the buying aspects but also other parts of consumer’s life. Evidence of this is shown on the free merchandise, concerts, surfing events among others, which proves Van knows the consumers well and want to positively influence their life to some degree (Steve & Chris

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Marketing Project Essay Example for Free

Marketing Project Essay Q: Conduct a household or market survey and report on the buying motive of consumers as regards price and quality, consumers being classified by age, sex and income given certain selected products. * Choose any five consumer durable products/services of high demand. (i.e., products with life span greater than 3 years.) FORMAT: * Main page (Name, Class, Year, Marketing Project) * Title (question) * Table of Contents * Explain buying motive and its types. * Introduction and information about each of the products chosen (only consumer durable objects; types are – medium expensive and very expensive). * Target group of customers for each product in brief. (Age; sex; income group etc.) * Must: Mention gender and age if product is bought a certain gender or age group only, along with reasoning for the same. * Form questionnaires with (10-15 questions) and do a survey with 10 customers. Make sure that the questions can be answered in sentences or provide statements with options. DO NOT use Yes/No questions. * Eg: What is the primary reason for which you buy this product? What other benefits do you derive from the product? Is the product convenient to use? Is the product safe? Is the product worth the value paid for realization? * Following the questionnaires, make a report for each and every product separately explaining the buying motive and reasons they buy it for. (1 page per product.) * Draw conclusions from the results of your questionnaires, graphs, reports, etc. * Depict graph (depending on any 5 criteria you have mentioned in your questionnaire in a bar diagram) for the number of consumers surveyed. * Add pictures and symbols throughout your presentation to add colour and life. * The project can be made using either MS PowerPoint or MS Word. Format of a Questionnaire: QUESTIONNAIRE TITLE ( Eg: Survey conducted to estimate buying motive of a product) (This survey is conducted by students of OOEHS for a marketing project. Kindly fill in the required details) Name: Location: (Start with your own questions.)

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Adolescent Peer Pressure :: Peer Pressure Essays

Between the ages of twelve and nineteen is a period in a teenager's life that determines what kind of adult he or she will become. This period of adolescence, also known as the "formative years", is the subject of much study and research to determine why adolescents are vulnerable to the phenomenon called peer pressure. The disturbing number of incidents of teenage drug use, teenage pregnancy and teenage suicide is most assuredly the reason that fuels the need for such research. Perhaps it is because as children they are taught the importance of having and maintaining friends. Or perhaps they don't feel that they can talk to their parents or teachers when problems arise. Or maybe they simply want to rebel against the pressures placed on them as youths. Because adolescents spend their time either at home or in school, it is within these confines that the answers to adolescents' behavior lay. In other words, family and school can sometimes cause adolescents to give in to peer pressure because of an overemphasis on the importance of social adjustment, a lack of interest or communication on the part of the parents and teachers, and the unrealistic expectations that these entities create. Although the purpose of attending school is to receive an education, it also provides children with a medium through which they can develop relationships with other children that eventually turn into friendships. The ability to form friendships can be traced back to even the pre-school years and its importance henceforth emphasized by eager parents who want their children to fit in at school. "Interactions with friends or other peers are crucial for the development of a mature morality." (Juvonen, p.11) Most would agree that social interaction is important but sometimes parents are guilty of over-emphasizing this importance. Let's recall the numerous birthday parties where every child in the neighborhood was invited to come regardless of whether or not they were actual friends. This desire to socialize children also occurs in the classroom at school. "The classroom setting represents not only an educational arena but a powerful social context in which the psychological adjustment of children and adolescents can be affected."(Juvonen, p.248) Teachers tend to promote social interaction by assigning exercises that require working in pairs or groups. Furthermore, when a teacher spots a child playing alone, they will encourage him or her to join the other children while overlooking the possibility that the child might have preferred to be alone.

Monday, November 11, 2019

Liberalism in Zambian Governance

Every country worldwide is ruled with certain rules and regulations which whether accepted or not by the preponderance, are still accepted as right. Thus, the aim of this essay is to elaborate on the various forms of liberalism, discuss on each of them, and explain while giving clear examples which one of them has been prominent in Zambia from 1991 to present day. It will begin by defining the main concepts; then the forms of liberalism shall be presented and discussed. Thereafter an analysis of which form of liberalism has been pursued by the Movement for Multiparty democracy and the Patriotic Front in the ruling of the country of Zambia shall follow. A conclusion will then be drawn from the main body. Liberalism has been explained or defined in many ways. It comes from the word liberal, which implies freedom. Therefore if incorporated in the aspect of human life, liberalism means an ideology that advocates for gradual reform in the different aspects of a human life, for instance, social, political and economic aspects. According to Doyle (1986:2), â€Å"liberal resembles a family portrait of principles and institutions, recognizable by certain characteristics, for example, individual freedom, political participation, private property, and equality of opportunity. † From generation to generation, different forms of liberalism have emerged due to various reasons. Classical liberalism is said to be perhaps the oldest form of liberalism, which according to historians, emerged in the 16th, and 17th century though became prominent in the late 19th century. Some of the major pioneers of this type of liberalism were John Locke, David Ricardo and Adam Smith. Classical liberalism hence is said to uphold a French ideology laissez-faire which literally means â€Å"to allow. † When applied to classical liberalism it advocates for non-state participation in the affairs of its citizens, (www. cambridge. org). To sum it up, classical liberalism advocates for â€Å"limited government, protection of personal freedoms, and free markets, they rely on rules of thumb derived from experience,† the Policy (2009:15). Classical liberalism has been criticized heavily that it only benefits the few elite. This led to the emergence of Social liberalism in the mid 19th century. The word in the center of social liberalism is â€Å"equity†. This is where each individual has equal opportunities in society and benefits equally from the economic activities of the state. There is common ownership of means of production and goods are produced not for private profit making but for the benefit of society. Thus, in summary, Social liberalism advocates for equal opportunity, for self realization by the citizens and improvement in social status of everyone with the state as the major player. It is said to be â€Å"committed to individualism but includes protecting individuals from acts of omission as well as commission,† the Policy (2009:16). Another type of liberalism is Political liberalism which focuses on the freedom of citizens in the participation of political activities without interference or hindrance by the state. This type of liberalism was mainly pioneered by John Harsanyi and John Rawls, (Policy, 2009). According to the Policy (2009:4), political liberalism emphasizes that â€Å"everyone has an equal opportunity to hold political office and to influence the decisions made in the political sphere. Green liberalism is liberalism with a notion of sustainable growth. It focuses on preserving the environment even in the midst of growth. Steinberg (2012:1) emphasizes that â€Å"green liberalism is the idea that market forces combined with individuals all doing their part can save the planet. † Though supported by many, this type of liberalism has be en criticized that it is not logical in that for development through liberalism to occur, nature or primary goods are involved hence their exhaustion is inevitable. Neo-liberalism, another form of liberalism, is regarded as a re-introduction of liberalism. Various proponents and scholars have alluded that Neo-liberalism was first coined by the German economists who were trying to compare it with classical liberalism. Boas and Gans-Morse (2009), clearly state that neo-liberalism is both in rejection of laissez-faire policies and emphasizes on humanistic values. Neo-liberalism supports free market trade, private capitalism and private property while it reproves government intervention or interference. This type of liberalism is likened to classical liberalism though it â€Å" goes even further than classical liberalism in that its ultimate goal is to create a world where political action is governed entirely by the free market, so that all decisions are unbiased and fair,† (www. ehow. com). The Neo-liberal policies were and still are widely advocated by International Monetary Fund and World Bank, (struggle. ws). The policies advocated by Neo-liberalism have been criticized in that there is usually unequal distribution of development within a country. Privatization measures are said to benefit the foreigners more than the local people. Even though the IMF and World Bank emphasize that these measures would help improve the welfare of the vast majority, it has been argued that privatisation is characterised with corruption, trade is controlled by the super powers which has seen to the market being populated with cheap imported goods and hence discouraging local producers. These policies are said to only benefit the few elite, (Simutanyi, 2009). Zambia is a landlocked country in the southern part of Africa which after being colonized by the British, gained its independence in 1964. After independence the country had its first president Dr Kenneth Kaunda, leader of the United National Independence Party who according to scholars saw to the rise of autocracy in the country. Thus the country was turned into a one-party state where the state controlled a major part of the economy. Some of the characteristics of Kaunda’s rule include â€Å"a system of terroristic police control; control of all means of effective mass communication, control of all means of effective armed combat,† (Phiri: 2001,2). Since the main aim of the government was to ensure equity, therefore it can be right to say that during that time, Zambia was under Social liberalism, (Simutanyi, 2006). Due to the many shortcomings of the UNIP government for instance the food riots, foreign debt, economic decline and social disintegration, the Multi-Party Movement for Democracy which was headed by Fredrick Chiluba took over leadership and adopted the Neo-liberal policies. There was â€Å"independent rational attitude, free expression and the promotion of private self-interest over general system,† (www. ambiastruggle. com). Sorabjee and Bourne (1996:27), stated that when MMD was elected, there were major changes in the country such as â€Å"privatisation or liquidation of state enterprises, the relaxing of import controls and of investment regulations and barriers, removal of subsidies and other protections, and freer regime in agriculture and manufacturing. † These policies were â€Å"implemented lar gely at the insistance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank,† House (1991:2). Since the economy was and still is mainly dependant on the mining sector, many mines were privatized so as they can be more productive and efficient. According to Simpere (2010:7) â€Å"under the influence of its lenders especially the World Bank and following the election of a new government in 1991, Zambia decided to dismantle and privatize its mines. † The mines were not the only state-owned enterprises privatized but many other companies, approximately two-hundred and sixty three (263) companies were taken over by foreigners. This happened between 1994 and 2004, which was predominantly during the reign of the MMD precisely Chiluba and Levy Mwanawasa, (Simutanyi,2006). There was also the liberalization of foreign exchange and import. â€Å"Since late 1991, Zambia has fundamentally changed its trade and economic policy. The trade regime has been considerably liberalized and there has been substantial decentralization and deregulation in other spheres of economic activity,† (www. wto. com). The dominance of neo-liberal economic programs in Zambia promised fast and sustainable economic growth, where Adam Smith’s invisible hand comes in play that the majority of the poor would benefit, (Zambian Economist, 2007). Thus the MMD fully adopted the Neo-liberal policies and the government enacted economic and political liberalism in the country. The Patriotic Front led by President Michael Sata is the current party in government in Zambia. It was elected into power in 2011 during the tripartite elections held in Zambia. It is not clear whether the state under the current government is undertaking a neo-liberal type of governance or a socialist. Some spectators have argued that due to the move of the Patriotic Front to join the Socialist International, the country seems to be heading into the direction of a socialist state, (www. zambia. com). Even though this is so, the Patriotic Front government has corrected the misunderstanding that they shall continue to advocate for socio-economic liberalism spearheaded by neo-liberal policies as was stated in their manifesto, (m. lusakatimes. om). Nothing much has, in reality changed during the past twelve months of the Patriotic Front’s rule as compared to the twenty year rule of the MMD. Companies are still privatized, trade liberalism still exists, democracy still prevails and the existence of property rights exists as well. The country of Zambia still values the foreign investors and their relationship with other capitalist societies with whom they enjoy the benefits of trade liberalism. Therefore, neo-liberalism as proven above has been the dominant type of liberalism in Zambia from 1991 to present day. Even with the consequences of neo-liberalism such as increase in the poverty level, increased debt, uneven development, Zambia continues to boast of being one of the most liberalized states in Southern Africa. In conclusion, liberalism has been a major player in determining the role of the state in Zambia, hence among the many types of liberalism Neo-liberalism has been adopted by the country of Zambia to spear-head its development. What is not certain is, if it were not for the government being pressured by the IMF and the World Bank, would it have, on its own adopted the neo-liberal policies or it would have continued as a social state?

Saturday, November 9, 2019

History of 21st February

There arc 6,000 to 7,000 spoken languages in the world and half of them arc in danger of extinction. The Interna tional Mother Language Day that is celebrated annually on Feb. 21, after it was declared by UNESCO in November 1999, reminds us of the necessity, mier alia, of protecting these languages from extinction by promoting meir importance. It is important to keep these languages in practice; languages are simply not a random compilation of words but a means of communication, interaction and understanding among different peoples.The language, thus, is one of the mediums that form the socio-oil rural identity of a nation. A Language is more than just a way of sharing our views with the world; it has its own history as welt. The language of a nation can sometimes contribute to the contents of its history Great works of literature as well as the legacy of a nation might bc lost if the language is lost. A language helps create unity among a group  ° people; a persons mother tongue i s an important aspect of her/his culture and the identity of who he/she is. Feb. 1,1952 marks an important event in the history leading toward the emergence of Bangladesh, which declared independence on March 26,1971. The Bangla Language Movement, reaching its pinnacle on this very day in 1952, was a political mass uprising in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan), which demanded mat Bangla – the mother tongue spoken by the majority of the population – should bc recognized as the second official language besides the then existing state Language that was spoken by only a minority of the population. This would allow the Bangla language to bc taught in schools and used in government affairs.After the partition of India rn 1947 into Pakistan and India, Bangla-speaking people in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) made up 44 million of the newly formed Pakistans 69 million people. However, in 1947 at a national education summit a minority language was declared by the then s tate machinery as the sole state language to bc used in all spheres of life, including media and schools. This Jed to a situation where almost 70 percent of the population that formed the majority and spoke Bangi* were practically required to discard their mother tongue Bangla, which they had used for thousands of wirs. nd learn afresh a completely alien minority language. Students of Dhaka University and other colleges of the city in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) organized a general strike on March 11,1948 to protest the exclusion of the Bangla language from official use, including on coins, stamps and in official competitive tests / examinations.Later taking the shape of a popular movement, the protest restated the demand that Bangla be declared an official language of the state. On feb. 1,1952 students of the Dhaka University along with member-, ol the public defied the unconstitutional ban on peaceful protests and organized a protest that resulted in police opening fire a nd killing a number of students, including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. Resultantly, a massive popular upheaval spread across Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) as large processions ignored the unconstitutional ban on peaceful protests and condemned the actions of the police.At one stage more than 30,000 people assembled at Curzon Hall of Dhaka University in Dhaka. During the continued protests, police actions led to the death of more people. This prompted Bangla speaking government officials and civil servants from different organizations to boycott government offices and join the procession. The â€Å"All-Party Central Language Action Committee†, supported by the majority of the population, decided to commemorate Feb. 21 as Shahid Dibosh (Martyrs Day).On the first anniversary of the protests, people across Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) wore black badges in solidarity with the dead and victims of violence Most offices, bank ond educa tional institutions in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) were closed to observe the occasion. Student groups made agreements with educational institutions ond police officials to preserve law and order. However, the state machinery provoked tensions by declaring that those who wanted Bangla to become on official language would be considered an â€Å"enemy of the state.Despite the restrictions to mark the anniversary of the protests, the Bangali population took to the streets. Demonstrations broke out on the night of Feb 21,1954 with various halls of Dhaka University raising black flags in mourning. Several students and protesters were arrested indiscriminately to foil the commemoration. On May 7,1954. the constituent assembly was forced to resolve to grant official status to the Bangla language. Bangla was recognized j the second official language of the state on Feb. 29. 1956. Although the question of official languages was settled by 1956, the Bangai! eople were discriminated against in every sphere of Life. The Bangali community, despite being the overwhelming majority, continued to bc under-represented in the civil and military services, and received a minority of state funding and other government assistance. The demands of these people were overlooked. One demand was that the province of East Pakistan be called Bangladesh (Land of Bangalis), which later contributed into the declaration of Independence of Bangladesh on March 26, 1971 ond culminated in a prolonged bloody â€Å"Liberation War† that saw the emergence of an Independent Peoples Republic of Bangladesh.The struggle to freely use the mother tongue of a majority population of a coun tn once resulted in bloodshed for the people of Bangladesh and contributed significantly to the movement and war of her Independence. However, today it ts a different fight for many people; it is a fight to keep their mother tongue in use so that an important part of their cultures is not lost The writer is a Year 1 student at Taylor College. (The article was written in commemoration of the Language Movement of Bangladesh /International Mother Language Day. ) The Language Movement  : Its Political and Cultural Significance Scrajul Islam ChoudhuryWhat had happened on the 21st of February in 1952 is not difficult to describe. Some lives were lost when police opened fire on agitating students. What the students were agitating for is also well-known. They wanted Bengali to be recognized as one of the two state languages of what was then an undivided Pakistan. But a description like this would be patently superfluous, for it would not describe what had really happened, let alone reflect the feelings that the movement had embodied and roused. The movement of 21st February was not sentimental, but it represented very deep-rooted sentiments.To begin with, the movement did not lose its significance even after an official recognition of Bengali as one of the two state languages. It went ahead, gained in depth and momentum as it went, y and, ultimately, made the emergence of an independent Bangladesh inevitable. But even after we had achieved a state where Bengali is the only and not one of the two state languages the movement has not ceased to be vital. Why? The answer is easy. Bengali has not yet been accorded the place of honour and importance that it deserves. The rate of literacy has not risen above the poor 22 per cent.Of ~th~o e who know the alphabet many do not read books. Some ddb get books, others do not need them. The vast majority of the population has been denied for ages the right to use Bengali. The illiterate person, oftener a women than a man, does not know any other language, but he does not know Bengali either in the literate sense. Those who are well-to-do do not need Bengali. Social and commercial intercourse tends to be more effective when done in English in unspoken opposition to Bengali. The cultural milieu of the sophisticated tends very often to be shorn of the use of Bengali almost to the extent it is sophisticated.International communication is, of course, done in English. Bengali, thus, is not properly used either by the very rich or the very poor, the former shies away voluntarily, the latter has no choice. The middle class uses it, but not in as extensive a manner as could have been expected. We do not print books in large number. Nor are the titles wide   ranging. for books are expensive to print and difficult to sell. The problem is rooted in the very socio-political and economic reality of Bangladesh. And it is this reality that invests the language movement of the 21st of February with an enormous significance and meaning.How does one account for the rise of this movement ? Was it due to the wrong decision of any particular person or group? Most obviously not. The movement was as spontaneous as it was inevitable. Despite its later ramifications and complexities the movement was a simple expression of the irreconc ilable, indeed ever-increasing, contradiction between the rulers and the ruled. The ruling classes wanted to impose Urdu on the Bengale s with a view to keeping them subjugated for generations to come ~I'he issue was far from linguistic, it was grossly political and economic.The imposition of Urdu was a part, albeit not an easily recognisable part, of the ruthless exploitation of the Begalccs by West Pakistani monopoly capital and civil-military bureaucracy. The language movement brought to the fore what had hitherto, lain undetected inside the deliberately roused sentiments of Pakistani nationalism. The oppressed people of East Bengal had joined the Pakistan movement in the hope of achieving a better standard of living consequent upon the establishment of an independent state.That the hope was unreal was cruelly exposed by the fondly proclaimed arbitrary decision of the rulers to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. There was no escaping this fact. Language was, undoubted ly,. the declared issue. But the movement was not for reforming the language, not even for winning recognition for Bengali as one of the state languages, although that was the manifest objective. It was aimed, really, at the emancipation of an oppressed people. The rulers were obliged to recognise the destructive potentiality of the movement.For what was constructivee for the oppressed Bengalees was destructive for the oppressors- – such was the polarity of the situation. Facing the uncompromising reality, the Pakistani rulers had offered terms of a compromise. They did accommodate Bengali as a state language when the question of framing a constitution came to a head, 21st February was declared a public holiday- eventually. A board was set up for the development of Bengali language, But the movement was not to be hoodwinked by such tactics of accommodation. Compromise was impossible.The movement grew and grew, gained in depth and momentum, leading to the establishment of Bang ladesh. M uch has been gained and yet much remains to be achieved. As indicated above, universal use of Bengali in Bangladesh remains a distant hope. It does not require much of an analysis to demonstrate that the objective of the language movement can be achieved only in a society which is free from exploition and is, therefore not poor. Poverty is the effect of exploitation, not its cause. Therefore, the movement of the 21st of February must be called a protest against the exploitation of man by man.It raised a determined voice against injustice. For what could be more unjust than the inflicting of a foreign tongue on a population of seventy million, constituting as it did the majority of the population of Pakistan as a whole. Our love for the Bengali language is traditional, it is based on very deep sentiments. But it is impossible to deny that it was not this love alone that had led us to join the language movement in swelling numbers. There was hatred as well. Hatred against in justice, against exploitation. The movement was essentially anti-colonial and anti feudal in character.It was aimed at overthrowing the none-too-hidden system of colonial exploitation sought to be perpetrated by the ruling classes. It was clearly anti-feudal in content inasmuch as it tried to win for the people their inalienable right to use their own language in state affairs. Love and hatred, they say, go together: and indeed they did in this very case, for the depth of hatred was only the obverse of the depth of love and vice versa. The language movement went like magnet over the iron of the suppressed feelings of the people. It provided the people with an outlet to their pent-up emotions against political injustice and social exploitation.It forged  a unity which was b_ oth creative and enduring. A section of the police in Dhaka had gone on strike even before 1952. They. had been fired upon. But that firing did not rouse the indignation that the firing of the. 21st of February did. The reason was that the latter firing was not aimed at any particular section of the peope, it was not designed to silence the professional demands of any specific group, its target was the entire Bengali-speaking people of Pakistan, irrespective of political belief or ideological commitment. For it hurt even those who had collaborated with the government.As long as exploitation of the many by the few remains, 21st February is unlikely to lose its significance. How did the movement begin? It began as a students' movement. – Its centre was the university of Dhaka which was the only university in East Bengal at the time. The potentiality of the movement was unknown to the rulers, it was not known even to many of those who were at its forefront. Perhaps it-would die a natural death- the rulers, it is easy to imagine, had fondly hoped. But all estimates and expectations were belied. Once firing had started the movement spread-wider than a fire, faster than the bullets.It re fused to be confined to the university campus; percolating through the railway, steamer and bus stations it reached almost every comer of the province. The public joined in it. The working class struck work, it became a movement against an insult hurled at the existence of a people. The Pakistani pretence became much too big for the mask. A new feeling of nationalism began to grow very rapidly indeed. And ultimately it was this new linguistic and, therefore, essentially secular, democratic and creative nationalism which prevailed over the makeshift nationalism of Pakistan.Pakistanism pretended to be spiritual which spiritualism was, so far as East Bengal was concerned, a cover for material exploitation of the classically crude type. The new awareness made people conscious about their material existence, tearing the veils of false hopes and comforts. Its creativeness was immeasurable. For it had touched and released the youth of the nation. The youth of the country had begun this mov ement. But it was not a youth movement. It was the youthfulness of a people that it had stirred. The movement's creative power displayed itself in many, almost all aspects of life. New organisations – social. s- well as political – came into being. A new leadership–uncompromising and courageous-grew up to replace the established one. Politics topkk on a new character, it no longer remained a pastime of the privifegetl few.. In its changed character, politics became a threat to the existing s oc i a l system. Poets wrote busily; composers composed energetically. Flays, novels and short stories have been written on the theme. And it would be impossible to count the souvenirs_ that have been published to celebrate the spirit of the day. But the most precious creation Or the movement did not lie in any of these in isolation.It lay in something that united these diverse areas and manifestations and inspired them from behind. his was nothing more, or less, than a new consciousness. This consciousness is characterised, among other things, Ity an irreconcilable patriotism. True patroitism does not isolate; it unlles, it brings the individual to the community, and identifies collective; well being as the unfailing source of individual welfare. And it i. y this patriotism that the language movement carries with itself, and nourishes as it goes. N c language movement was essentially creative.It not only produced new works of literature, music, painting and drama but also, and more importantly, gave these creations a new content, which was unmistakably secular and democratic in character. The movement was anti-imperialist and anti-feudal; and it was therefore only natural that the cultural works it produced should have a militancy and a sew;e of direction they had not known before. Bengal, let us recall, was divided in 1947 on the basis of the so-called two-nation theory. Communalism was endemic in the very foundation of that partition. The democratic upsurge of February, 1962 stood firmly, atatiinst communalism.Communalism did not die, such monsters die hard, but it became weaker than it was in 1947. What was more significant was that a new path of development was laid open. People came tog`ther; forgetting their communal identity. They fought for a common cause. Then there was the important question of tradition. Pakistani nationalism had expected to survive and gain in strength by Whippin g up emotions around a false sense of tradition which sought to make the Bengalees of East Pakistan feel as if they belonged to the Middle East and not to the land where they, as well as their ancestors, were born and had their being. Ws, in fact, amounted to a ruthless attempt to disinherit them of their tradition. Not only in literature, but in all aspects of life and creativity what was natural and real was sought to be replaced by the unnatural and the unreal. The language movement came as an open challenge to this. Instead of encouragin g deracination, it gave-the thinking section of the public a new sense of belonging. The homecoming had begun. It had no parallel in our past history. For the issue of tradition had never before been as clearly defined as it was during that fateful month of February, 1952.Bengalecs of East Pakistan began to take a new pride in their language which, they realized, constituted the very basis of their cultural identity. The creative artists working in all genres looked at life with a realism which gave their creations a nearness to life. They acquired a new awareness of the economic and political reality of the country. As a result, what they produced was significantly different – both in content and form-from what their predecessors had offered. The arts came closer to politics. The fact of economic exploitation of the poor by the rich also found its way into the creative imagination of the artists.For it had become clear that the Bengalecs were an exploited nation, and that th eir survival ultimately depended on their economic emancipation. A new taste was created, and a new standard of cultural judgement was set up. The movement had not only released the suppressed creative energies of a nation, it had also produced a hunger for more realistic works of art. The language movement represented for the Bengali speaking Pakistanis an entrance into a new area of creativity. The movement of 21st February has done for us another important work.It has drawn, clearly and unmistakably, a line of demarcation between the forces of light and darkness, of progress and reaction. To speak of light first. The light that matters most is the light of economic emancipation of the masses. Needless to say that the light of knowledge remains invaluable. Yet since hunger is the greatest extinguisher of ‘all other lights, no progress in the collective sense can be made without meeting the basic economic needs. And it is this light-the light of economic freedom-that the lang uage movement had promised to the people of Bangladesh.The movement did something more. It distinguished the forces capable of giving life   giving light from those which persist in keeping the people submerged in the darkness of poverty and deprivation. The movement was successful in marking out progress from reaction. Progress, it showed, did not mean more material growth; it also meant, and not less importantly, the proper distribution of wealth. Proper distribution is equitable distribution. It does not need much imagination to see that what ails our economic life is inequality.Inequality has maimed the productive power of labour which is our greatest national asset. It has not allowed national creative powers to grow properly. That we are poor is due primarily to this inequality. The language movement identified progress as removal of the factors responsible for the existence of the social gulf. It also showed that progress and reaction cannot achieve a relationship of peacef ul co   existence, that the antagonism between the two is irreconcilable and would not cease to be operative unless one of the two is completely liquidated.Perhaps it is unnecessary to say on which side the movement of 21st February stood, for its commitment to light against darkness and progress against reaction is total. All these make 21st February significant to us. The nation was not the same after that day, for it had gained a new sensibility, baptised in fire. True, the old order did not change immediately, it normally does not. But it was threatened to its very foundation. And the hope that a new world was not very far continued to grow.

Thursday, November 7, 2019

Weapons of French Ind. War essays

Weapons of French Ind. War essays Weaponry of the French and Indian war Throughout the times of war there have been many weapons that have come and gone, but the weapons used in the French and Indian war are still in use today. Todays rifles are modified muskets, our machetes are swords, and the semi-automatic pistols are revised products of the ones used in the 18th century. This paper will show how and why the weapons of the time where used and generally what they where used for. The weapons this paper will touch upon are; the muskets, pistols, and swords used in the French and Indian war. The flintlock musket, was the main weapon of the British army from the 1730's past the end of the American Revolution. The first model Brown Bess or Long-Land Musket to use the proper name had a 46-in. barrel with a wooden rammer retained by three pipes of equal size and a tailpiece where it entered the stock. At this point the stock swells out and, generally speaking the bigger the swell the older the gun. One sling swivel is fastened to the front of the trigger guard bow and the other is screwed through the muzzle end The bayonet, which went with the musket had socket about four inches long and a triangular blade 17 inches long. Another pattern of which there is increasing mention from 1740 onwards is the Short Land musket, with the same style of stock lock and furniture as the Long model but with a 42 inch barrel. There were soon two standard pattern muskets in production the long land with steel rammers and the Short Land with wood rammers, a curious distinction between the tw o being that only the short pattern had a brass nose cap. By the middle of the century however an improved pattern noseband, or cap was fitted to both types of muskets. The handgun are pistols of the 18th century where used manly as a defensive weapon. This was do to their inaccuracy in battle. The inaccuracy was caused by the misshapen tendencies of the balls it fired and the shorte ...

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

The Effects of War on the Environment

The Effects of War on the Environment The natural environment has been a strategic element of war since the first rock was thrown by the first cave dweller. The armies of ancient Rome and Assyria, to ensure the total capitulation of their enemies, reportedly sowed salt into the cropland of their foes, making the soil useless for farming- an early use of military herbicide, and one of the most devastating environmental effects of war. But history also provides lessons in eco-sensitive warfare. The Bible, in Deuteronomy 20:19, stays the hand of the warrior to minimize wars impact on nature and men alike: When you besiege a city a long time, to make war against it in order to capture it, you shall not destroy its trees by swinging an axe against them; for you may eat from them, and you shall not cut them down. For is the tree of the field a man, that it should be besieged by you? War and the Environment: Weve Been Lucky so Far War is waged differently today, of course, and has widespread environmental impacts that last far longer. The technology has changed, and the potential effects of the technology are very different, says Carl Bruch, co-director of international programs at the Environmental Law Institute in Washington, D.C. Bruch, who is also the co-author of The Environmental Consequences of War: Legal, Economic, and Scientific Perspectives, notes that modern chemical, biological, and nuclear warfare has the potential to wreak unprecedented environmental havoc that, fortunately, we havent seen- yet. This is a great threat, Bruch says. But in some cases, precision weapons and other technological advances can shield the environment by targeting key facilities, leaving other areas relatively unscathed. You could make the argument that these weapons have the ability to minimize collateral damage, says Geoffrey Dabelko, director of the Environmental Change and Security Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Its Local: the Impact of War Today Warfare today also occurs infrequently between independent nations; more often, armed conflict breaks out between rival factions within a nation. These localized civil wars, according to Bruch, are usually beyond the reach of international treaties and bodies of law. Internal conflict is viewed as a matter of sovereignty- an internal matter, he says. As a result, environmental damage, like human rights violations, occurs unchecked by outside organizations. Though skirmishes, armed conflicts, and open warfare vary tremendously by region and by weapons used, the effects of war on the environment usually involve the following broad categories. Habitat Destruction and Refugees Perhaps the most famous example of habitat devastation occurred during the Vietnam War  when U.S. forces sprayed herbicides like Agent Orange on the forests and mangrove swamps that provided cover to guerrilla soldiers. An estimated 20 million gallons of herbicide were used, decimating about 4.5 million acres in the countryside. Some regions are not expected to recover for several decades. Additionally, when warfare causes the mass movement of people, the resulting impacts on the environment can be catastrophic. Widespread deforestation, unchecked hunting, soil erosion, and contamination of land and water by human waste occur when thousands of humans are forced to settle in a new area. During the Rwandan conflict in 1994, much of that countrys Akagera National Park was opened to refugees; as a result, local populations of animals like the roan antelope and the eland became extinct. Invasive Species Military ships, cargo airplanes, and trucks often carry more than soldiers and munitions; non-native plants and animals can also ride along, invading new areas and wiping out native species in the process. Laysan Island in the Pacific Ocean was once home to a number of rare plants and animals, but troop movements during and after World War II introduced rats that nearly wiped out the Laysan finch and the Laysan rail, as well as bringing in sandbur, an invasive plant that crowds out the native bunchgrass that local birds depend on for habitat. Infrastructure Collapse Among the first and most vulnerable targets of attack in a military campaign are the enemys roads, bridges, utilities, and other infrastructure. While these dont form part of the natural environment, the destruction of wastewater treatment plants, for example, severely degrades regional water quality. During the 1990s fighting in Croatia, chemical manufacturing plants were bombed; because treatment facilities for chemical spills werent functioning, toxins flowed downstream unchecked until the conflict ended. Increased Production Even in regions not directly affected by warfare, increased production in manufacturing, agriculture and other industries that support a war effort can wreak havoc on the natural environment. During World War I, former wilderness areas of the United States came under cultivation for wheat, cotton, and other crops, while vast stands of timber were clear-cut to meet wartime demand for wood products. Timber in Liberia, oil in Sudan, and diamonds in Sierra Leone are all exploited by military factions. These provide a revenue stream that is used to buy weapons, says Bruch. Scorched Earth Practices, Hunting, and Poaching The destruction of your own homeland is a time-honored, albeit tragic, wartime custom. The term scorched earth originally applied to the burning of crops and buildings that might feed and shelter the enemy, but its now applied to any environmentally destructive strategy. To thwart invading Japanese troops during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), Chinese authorities dynamited a dike on the Yellow River, drowning thousands of Japanese soldiers- and thousands of Chinese peasants- while also flooding millions of square miles of land. Similarly, if an army crawls on its stomach, as is often says, then feeding an army often requires hunting local animals, especially larger mammals that often have lower rates of reproduction. In the ongoing war in Sudan, poachers seeking meat for soldiers and civilians have had a tragic effect on bush animal populations in Garamba National Park, just across the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo. At one point, the number of elephants shrunk from 22,000 to 5,000, and there were only 15 white rhinos left alive. Biological, Chemical, and Nuclear Weapons The production, testing, transport and use of these advanced weapons is perhaps the single most destructive effects of war on the environment. Though their use has been strictly limited since the bombing of Japan by the U.S. military at the end of World War II, military analysts have grave concerns about the proliferation of nuclear material and chemical and biological weaponry. Weve been very fortunate that we have not seen the devastation that we might see, says Bruch. Researchers point to the use of depleted uranium (DU) as one particularly dangerous military trend. DU is a byproduct of the uranium-enrichment process. Almost twice as dense as lead, its valued in weapons for its ability to penetrate tank armor and other defenses. An estimated 320 tons of DU were used in the Gulf War in 1991; in addition to soil contamination, experts are concerned that soldiers and civilians may have been exposed to dangerous levels of the compound. How Environmental Problems Lead to War While the effects of war on the environment may be obvious, whats less clear are the ways that environmental damage itself leads to conflict. Factions in resource-poor countries like those in Africa, the Mideast, and Southeast Asia have historically used military force for material gain; they have few other options. Bruch explains that once armed conflict begins, soldiers and populations under siege must find immediate sources of food, water, and shelter, so theyre forced to adapt their thinking to short-term solutions, not long-term sustainability. This short-term desperation leads to a vicious cycle of conflict, followed by people who meet their immediate needs in unsustainable ways, bringing deprivation and disillusionment, which then leads to more conflict. One of the chief challenges is to break that cycle, Bruch says. Can Warfare Protect Nature? It seems counterintuitive, but some have argued that military conflicts often end up preserving the natural environment. Its one of the findings thats utterly contrary to expectations, says Jurgen Brauer, Ph.D., professor of economics at Augusta State University in Augusta, Ga. The most preserved area in all of Korea is the demilitarized zone because you have the exclusion of human activity, he says. Other researchers have noted that despite the massive amounts of herbicide use during the Vietnam War, more forests have been lost in that country since the war ended than during it, due to peacetime commerce and Vietnams quest for prosperity. The coal-black skies caused by the Kuwaiti oil fires in 1991 provided dramatic visual evidence of war-related environmental damage. However, these oil fires burned in one month roughly the amount of oil burned by the United States in a single day. Peace can be damaging, too, says Dabelko. You have some of these ironic twists. But experts are quick to emphasize that this is not an argument in favor of armed conflict. War is not good for the environment, adds Brauer, who is also an author of War and Nature: The Environmental Consequences of War in a Globalized World. And Bruch notes that warfare only delays the environmental damage of peaceful human activity and commerce. It may provide a respite, but the long-term effects of war arent that different from what happens under commercial development, he says. Winning the Peace As military planning evolves, it becomes apparent that the environment now plays a greater role in successful combat, especially after an armed conflict ends. At the end of the day, if youre trying to occupy an area, you have a strong incentive not to ruin it, Dabelko says. The aforementioned biblical quote from Deuteronomy about preserving trees is, perhaps, good advice for the ages. And some warriors are learning that theres more to be gained from preserving the environment than in destroying it. In war-torn Mozambique, former military combatants have been hired to work together as park rangers protecting the wildlife and natural habitats that they once sought to destroy. That built bridges between the military and the park service. It has worked, Bruch says. Natural resources can be very important in providing jobs and opportunities in post-conflict societies.

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Ted Talk Reflection Report Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Ted Talk Reflection Report - Essay Example I must say that the research process turned out to be quiet easy for me in the sense that I had to write about my father’s professional success and how he used the social media, which was in a very nascent stage in his times, to promote and expand his business. Yet, I was required to maintain a measure of detachment while culling out the traits that highlighted my father’s professional success, and to seek a theory of success that imbibed those characteristics and traits. I used a colorful and simple visual selection to make my paper more interesting, thought provoking and self explanatory. The objective of my essay is to bring to fore the essential human qualities, which when combined with the technical possibilities, give way to success and fulfillment. The management gurus and motivational speakers do not happen to be the only custodians of timeless qualities and abilities that promote human happiness. Families and communities also have been the traditional sources of ethics and excellence, which if approached and analyzed in a theoretical framework, can work wonders for the world. The Action Plan from the Doc Spec made the things for me less unwieldy, structured and organized. I must say that I don’t have much experience with essay writing in English. So the Doc Spec facilitated a manageable framework within which I was able to research and brainstorm the topic selected by me. To put it simply, it considerably curtailed the wastage of time, efforts and resources. It allowed me to construct and then build on the topic in a systematic and methodical manner Going through the papers drafted by others allowed me a clear and concise perspective as to what I was expected to do and how I should go about doing it. I more than often focused on the format and style of others to shape and organize my work. It also extended to me a fair idea as to what sources I need to research and how to access those sources. Besides it